Don't curse the darkness, light a candle.

Uncle Chutzpah and His Willing Executioners on the Dire Iran Threat: With Twelve Principles of War Propaganda in Ongoing Service
by Edward S. Herman
March 15, 2006
We may recall that the justification for NATO's bombing of the Serb TV broadcasting facilities in 1999 (killing 16 people) was that it was a propaganda arm of the Serb military. On that logic, accepted by respectable opinion and Carla Del Ponte on behalf of the Yugoslavia Tribunal, in a just world, where Bush and company would surely be brought to trial for manifold war crimes in the Iraq aggression-occupation, Arthur Hays Sulzberger, Bill Keller, Thomas Friedman, Donald Graham, Leonard Downie, Jr., Richard Cohen, George Will, Rupert Murdoch, Bill O'Reilly, and numerous others would be in the dock alongside them.
The further remarkable thing is that, despite their semi-apologies for betraying the public interest and their readers in the run-up to the invasion of Iraq--at least at the New York Times and Washington Post--the media are going through the same routines of propaganda service in the buildup to a possible attack on Iran. They quite generally avoid mentioning the similarity of the arguments made earlier, or that the administration lied egregiously earlier, or their own earlier hyper-gullibility. A tabula rasa is required if the system calls for serial propaganda service that entails the serial conveying of disinformation and suppression of inconvenient evidence. The "Drumbeat sounds familiar" to Simon Tisdall in the London Guardian (March 7, 2006), but not to the servants of power in the U.S. media.
Twelve Principles of Propaganda Used in Setting the Stage for War: the Iran Case...
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Dear Friends and Supporters:
IS BUSH GUILTY OF WAR CRIMES AND CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY?
THE EVIDENCE IS IN... THE FINAL VERDICT WILL BE RELEASED SOON...
The Bush Crimes Commission is launching a nation-wide campus tour this week, starting at UC Berkeley -- Speaking the Unspeakable: Is the Bush Administration Guilty of War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity? This is a tour of prominent whistleblowers, eye-witnesses, victims and experts, including excerpts of testimony on video that reveal the stark reality of the Bush Administrations' war crimes and crimes against humanity -- acts that, by their scale or nature, shock the conscience of humankind.
This is a tour of truth tellers. To quote Michael Ratner from this second session: "And so, as [Bertrand] Russell said then, we say today: we are putting the Bush administration on trial. We investigate in order to expose; we document in order to indict; we arouse consciousness in order to create mass resistance. ... Our country and our world are at a tipping point. Tipping toward permanent war, the end of human rights, and the impoverishment and death of millions. We still have a chance, an opportunity to stop this slide into chaos. But it is up to us."
It IS up to us. Your assistance is needed to make this tour possible. This spring we are focusing on the Bay Area, Boston, New York, Los Angeles, DC and possibly the Atlanta area. This is an opportunity to bring this evidence to an audience that urgently needs to be part of this discussion.
* HELP BUILD THIS TOUR. Send in or write to your contacts in colleges and universities.
* Help with publicity for this tour.
* If you can type, contact the National Office (commission@nion.us or 212-941-8086) to help with transcription of the first session of the Commission.
* If you can edit video, please contact us.
* And especially, make your financial contribution on line at www.nion.us/NSOC/sign.htm or send your check payable to Not In Our Name SOC and mail to Not In Our Name SOC, 305 West Broadway #199, NY, NY 10012. We need $2,000 right away to finish producing DVDs of the testimony.
Thank you.
Janet Yip for
The Bush Crimes Commission
**********************
Below is a sample of the powerful testimony presented at the Commission. This is an excerpt from Vanessa Brocato's testimony on Indictment #4 Global HIV/AIDS and Reproductive Rights policies, especially the genocidal effects of imposing abstinence-only in the midst of an AIDS pandemic. Vanessa is an International Policy Associate for SIECUS and author of SIECUS PEPFAR [the President's Emergency Plan For AIDS Relief] Country Profiles: Focusing In on Prevention and Youth:
"Though the abstinence-only until marriage programs have been funded in the U.S. since 1981, and have been the focal point of domestic policy, since Bush entered office in 2000, the Bush Administration has the gall to claim in the media and in policy documents, that the PEPFAR prevention strategy is based on the Uganda model. Uganda saw a significant decline in HIV prevention rates and many people are interested in replicating and scaling up this successful approach to prevention. Unfortunately, whatever that approach may have been has been obscured by ideological and political battling. By claiming the approach is based on the Uganda model, the Administration is attempting, of course, to avoid criticism that this is his western initiative being foisted upon developing nations.
"But interestingly, under this ostensibly indigenous approach, funds to deliver abstinence-only until marriage programs go to mainly U.S. based conservative organizations or local organizations with ties to U.S. groups or ties to the U.S. Government. I don't want to misrepresent, there are some local organizations receiving funds, and some HIV/AIDS organizations that used to do comprehensive prevention work, but are now turning to an abstinence-only approach just to receive really badly needed funds. In other cases, the Bush Administration is able to tap into local Christian fundamentalist movements to both implement and support an abstinence-only policy.
"The few organizations with contracts with USAID that predate PEPFAR, which are trying to maintain their comprehensive programming, are now coming under attack by the most conservative elements of our Congress. Their funding is threatened, even if they follow abstinence guidelines, because they are not considered morally capable, sufficiently ideologically in sync, to provide what proponents call, authentic abstinence education.
"PEPFAR has the ominous potential of making large scale impact. And we already have evidence of the U.S. Government's influence derailing good public programming and policy. In Uganda, the Bush Administration has played a major role in reversing the country's HIV prevention approach. The main program for information on sexuality and HIV prevention in Uganda is the Presidential Initiative on AIDS Strategy for Communication to Youth, also called PIASCY, which was launched in 2002. With the President's leadership, a team of stakeholders created educational materials for youths in elementary schools that promoted concepts, such as basic information about sexual health, information on resisting peer pressure to engage in sexual activity, condom use, and human rights. The materials were the basis for monthly HIV/AIDS related assemblies in Uganda's primary schools. PEPFAR support for PIASCY now includes assistance with the development, revision, and distribution of the PIASCY materials. But U.S. support for abstinence-only until marriage has resulted in the removal of critical HIV information and the addition of misinformation in these very same primary school curricula. This includes perpetuating myths about condoms and promoting marriage as a protective factor, regardless of the documented risks of HIV infection within marriage."
Read Vanessa's full testimony on line at www.bushcommission.org/Text/Brocato.htm.
Please send in your comments to commission@nion.us
Impeachment Movement Ignored by Corporate Media
By Peter Phillips
If a national movement calling for the impeachment of the President is rapidly emerging and the corporate media are not covering it, is there really a national movement for the impeachment of the President?
Impeachment advocates are widely mobilizing in the U.S. Over 1,000 letters to the editors of major newspapers have been printed in the past six months asking for impeachment. Pittsburgh Post-Gazette letter writer George Matus says, "I am still enraged over unasked questions about exit polls, touch-screen voting, Iraq, the cost of the new MedicareŠwho formulated our energy policy, Jack Abramoff, the Downing Street Memos, and impeachment." David Anderson in McMinnville, Oregon pens to the Oregonian, "Where are the members of our congressional delegation now in demanding the current president's actions be investigated to see if impeachment or censure are appropriate actions?" William Dwyer's letter in the Charleston Gazette says, "Congress will never have the courage to start the impeachment process without a groundswell of outrage from the people."
City councils, boards of supervisors, and local and state level Democrat central committees have voted for impeachment. Arcata, California voted for impeachment on January 6. The City and County of San Francisco, voted Yes on February 28. The Sonoma County Democrat Central Committee (CA) voted for Impeachment on March 16. The townships of Newfane, Brookfield, Dummerston, Marlboro and Putney in Vermont all voted for impeachment the first week of March. The New Mexico State Democrat party convention rallied on March 18 for the "impeachment of George Bush and his lawful removal from office." The national Green Party called for impeachment on January 3. Op-ed writers at the St. Petersburg Times, Newsday, Yale Daily News, Barrons, Detroit Free Press, and the Boston Globe have called for impeachment. The Nation (1/30/06) and Harpers (3/06) magazines published cover articles calling for impeachment. Garrison Keillor, and Richard Dreyfuss both have come out for impeachment. As of March 16, thirty-two US House of Representatives have signed on as co-sponsors to House Resolution 635, which would create a Select Committee to look into the grounds for recommending President Bush's impeachment.
Polls show that nearly a majority of Americans favor impeachment. In October of 2005, Public Affairs Research found that 50% of Americans said that President Bush should be impeached if he lied about the war in Iraq. A Zogby International poll from early November 2005 found that 53% of Americans say, "If President Bush did not tell the truth about his reasons for going to war with Iraq, Congress should consider holding him accountable through impeachment." A March 16, 2006 poll by American Research Group showed that 42% of Americans favored impeaching Bush.
Despite all this advocacy and sentiment for impeachment, corporate media have yet to cover this emerging mass movement. The Bangor Daily News simply reported on March 17 that former US Attorney General Ramsey Clark has set up the website Votetoimpeach.org and that other groups are using the internet to push impeachment. The Wall Street Journal, on March 16, editorialized about how it is just "the loony left" seeking impeachment, but perhaps some Democrats in Congress will join in feeding on the "bile of the censure/impeachment brigades."
The corporate media is ignoring the broadening call for impeachment - wishing perhaps it will just go away. Television news and talk shows have mentioned impeachment over 100 times in the past 30 days, mostly however in the context of Senator Russ Feingold's censure bill and the lack of broad Democrat support for censure or impeachment. Nothing on television news gives the impression that millions of Americans are calling for the impeachment of Bush and his cohorts.
The Bush Administration lied about Iraq, illegally spied on US citizens, and continues war crimes in the Middle East. Despite corporate media's inability to hear the demands for impeachment, the groundswell of outrage continues to expand.
Peter Phillips is a Professor of Sociology at Sonoma State University and Director of Project Censored a media research organization. He is co-editor with Dennis Loo from Cal Poly Pomona of the The Case for Impeachment of Bush and Cheney scheduled for release this summer by Seven Stories Press.
Peter Phillips Ph.D.
Professor Sociology/Director Project Censored
Sonoma State University
1801 East Cotati Ave.
Rohnert Park, CA 94928
Office: 707-664-2588
www.projectcensored.org

In the windowless, jet-black garage-size room, some soldiers beat prisoners with rifle butts, yelled and spit in their faces and, in a nearby area, used detainees for target practice in a game of jailer paintball. Their intention was to extract information to help hunt down Iraq's most-wanted terrorist, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, according to Defense Department personnel who served with the unit or were briefed on its operations.
The Black Room was part of a temporary detention site at Camp Nama, the secret headquarters of a shadowy military unit known as Task Force 6-26. Located at Baghdad International Airport, the camp was the first stop for many insurgents on their way to the Abu Ghraib prison a few miles away.
Read the entire article

New Labour must recognise that Berlusconi is the devil
Blair's friend and ally lies in direct line of descent from Mussolini and poses a toxic threat to democracy
Martin Jacques
Thursday March 16, 2006
The Guardian
We should not be surprised that New Labour has become embroiled in a scandal that involves Silvio Berlusconi. There is something entirely predictable about it. Tony Blair was perfectly happy to embrace Berlusconi, together with the former Spanish prime minister José Maria Aznar as an ally at the time of the breach between Europe and the US in the months prior to the Anglo-American invasion of Iraq. He has seen Berlusconi as a valuable ally in pursuit of his pro-Bush foreign policy. In fact, he has consistently been closer to Berlusconi than to centre-left leaders such as the former German chancellor Gerhard Schröder. This sense of affinity has even acquired a personal and family dimension, with the Blairs accepting Berlusconi's hospitality and taking their vacations with the Italian leader at his holiday home.
Blair clearly feels a political and personal rapport with Berlusconi. And this has set the tone for New Labour: Berlusconi is regarded as a man to do business with. This is deeply disturbing. How can New Labour regard Berlusconi in such a light? How can it fail to see and reflect upon the malign influence that he has had on Italian democracy? And what does the silence on such matters and warm embrace of the Italian leader tell us about New Labour itself?
Berlusconi is the most dangerous political phenomenon in Europe. He represents the most serious threat to democracy in western Europe since 1945. It might be argued that the far right as represented by such openly racist and xenophobic figures as Jean-Marie Le Pen and Jörg Haider poses a more serious danger, but such figures remain relative outsiders in the European political scene. Berlusconi does not. During his two spells as prime minister there has been a very serious erosion of the quality of Italian democracy and the tone of public life.
Democracy depends upon the separation of political, economic, cultural and judicial power. Berlusconi's ownership of the major television channels - and his control of the state-owned network, Rai, during his premiership - together with his willingness to use this media power for his own naked political ambitions, has undermined democracy. Further, he has changed the laws of the land at will - using his majority in parliament - to protect his personal interests and save himself from the courts.
The connection between Berlusconi and Italian fascism is not difficult to decipher. There has always been a predictable tendency to expect fascism to recur in its old forms; but that has never been the main danger. What we should fear is the reappearance of fascism in a new guise, reflecting the new global, economic and cultural conditions of the time, while at the same time drawing on national traditions. Berlusconi is precisely such a figure. He treats democracy with contempt: at each turn he seeks to undermine, distort and abuse it. He has no respect for the independent pillars of authority - prepared to accuse the judges of being stooges of the opposition and describe them as "communists".
By his indiscriminate assaults on anyone who stands in the way of his personal rule and enrichment, he has poisoned Italian public life. He lies in direct line of descent from Mussolini. The failure of New Labour to recognise this - worse, to befriend him, to regard him as some kind of ally, to accept his largesse and hospitality - cannot be dismissed as an oversight. It calls into question New Labour's - and the prime minister's - world-view and political judgment.
Tessa Jowell is not a political innocent. She is a leading member of the cabinet. She has been assiduously working her way up the New Labour ladder for many years. She has long been a Blairite, enjoying a relationship of trust with the prime minister. She has faithfully reflected his views in regarding Berlusconi as a politically sympathetic figure with whom New Labour, and its leading families, could do business. She may or may not have known the intimate details of her husband's financial affairs but she surely knew that he had acted for Berlusconi, helped him to avoid taxes, and assisted him in his efforts to resist the judiciary. And, no doubt, Jowell saw nothing wrong in this. After all, Berlusconi had the blessing of her prime minister - he was, broadly speaking, "on our side".
But Berlusconi is a dangerous man to become entrapped with. He deals in the dark sides of Italian political life. His party, Forza Italia, worked tirelessly to ensure that it inherited the mafia vote from the corpse of the Christian Democrats. His financial tentacles have abused and disfigured Italian political life. He regards the law to be malleable, negotiable and corruptible. He who sups with the devil should expect to reap the consequences. The problem is that Blair and New Labour have never recognised that Berlusconi is the devil. Instead they have seen him as a friend and ally. They have never recognised, or at least sufficiently cared about, the toxic threat he poses to Italian or European democracy.
There are two main reasons for this. First, he is seen as a global soulmate of Bush and Blair. Second, some of the values he represents - money, celebrity and power - are ones that Blair himself aspires to and admires. New Labour shares certain characteristics with Berlusconi, notably an indiscriminate worship of business and moneymaking, a belief in the power of the media, and a contempt for the left. We are witnessing a slow degradation of European democracy, of which Berlusconi is the most extreme and pernicious expression but of which New Labour, in a much milder form, is part-cause and part-consequence.
As the Italian legal process winds its way slowly through the evidence, no doubt more revelations will come to light. Whatever David Mills has done or not done cannot be regarded as the responsibility of Jowell, Blair or New Labour. But the fact that New Labour has been prepared to embrace such an insidious political influence undoubtedly helped to persuade Mills that Berlusconi was an acceptable client and Jowell that there was nothing untoward in her husband dealing with such a man and playing such an intimate role in his affairs. For that the prime minister must take the main responsibility. Just as with Iraq, Blair stands guilty of a monumental political error. What is at stake is no less than the democratic wellbeing of one of western Europe's largest countries and, as a consequence, the health of the European polity.
· Martin Jacques is a senior visiting research fellow at the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore
The article

The Casentino and Its Story
CHAPTER I
THE VALLEY ENCLOSED
“Beneath him with new wonder now he views, to all delight of human sense exposed, in narrow room, nature's whole wealth, ea more, a heaven on earth …"
ABOUT twenty-five miles north-east of
Monte Falterona, which rises 6000 feet above the level of the sea, is the loftiest mountain of the Casentino, and out of its side, very high up, springs the
". . . dov' è sì pregno
l' alpestro monte, ond' è tronco Peloro,
che in pochi lochi passa oltra quel segno."
But to see everything that it is possible to see from Falterona you must be up there at daybreak in early summer. Then, if ever, provided the morning is dear, you will discover the
The mountains close about one, dark and awed, shrinking in the rose of dawn. Cities, villages, farms tell out their buildings in the valleys and plains, as if come to judgment; and one's spirit, all alone, stripped of the veils which protect it from reality, trembles amid this cold and awful purity.
But when the Sun has risen at last in flames out of those far-off waves, and ascending draws the mists up out of the earth, throwing over the scene the rainbow robes of illusion, one’s soul begins to move unafraid. The full autumn noon is the hour of deepest enchantment on the Falterona. What pride of the eye then that gorgeous riot of purple peaks and slopes, and the loveliness of green valleys sparkling within them; those limpid forms of the distant ranges swelling and sinking one beyond the other, prolonged in. iterated cadences till they fade in the incandescence of the sky beneath the sun; those golden snows that shape themselves far off above the ethereal rose and violet of the east, and all that infinite expanse of earth's tossed and rolling blue, losing itself in heaven's deep azure! To the north the strange mass of hills which forms the outer barrier of the upper
In the still splendour of the noonday the whole scene seems changed into the airy fabric of dreams. Vision and imagination make mock of reality. The mountains lose solidity, and appear ethereal shapes, sculptured in the sky, or vast looming shadows beneath the sun, and the whole world before one seems no more than the substance of a thought-an illusion projected by one's mind upon the void.
And as one looks down into the Casentino, far beneath, the Valley Enclosed itself becomes a thought, a memory. The past grows more vivid than the present, and the course of the river below symbolises itself into an image of the strong currents of life and paSSiOl1 which once coursed through the Valley. In days long gone by, that little space circumscribed by the green hills, and now so peaceful, contained within it some of the most strenuous forces of Italian history. The chain of castled heights along the course of the river, and the rock-built towers that watch from their crags down each lateral valley, recall the feudal system which once dominated Italy, when in the general deluge, in which law and order were submerged after the downfall of the Empire and the successive invasions of the country, authority retreated to the hill-tops and lodged itself in the strong arm of the independent baron. The Casentino, held by the great Counts Palatine, the Guidi, who sword in hand had stretched their dominion over all the upper Apennine valleys on either side of the mountains and far into the Romagna, was in the eleventh and twelfth centuries the seat of a power to which the yet weak and insignificant communes around gave homage and obedience.
This was the period when the Valley was most closely connected with the outer world. The traffic of life had not yet beaten out broad tracks and easy roundabout ways, but men on mule-back went straight over the face of the hills to their destination. Merchants and travellers frequented the mountains, and villages now mean and dwindled and almost inaccessible upon their rocks were then quite in the world's path, and there was many a great abbey, now but a heap of ruins lost in the forest far up the higher slopes, where only the hunter goes by, which was then a centre of human intercourse and political activity. The Valley was probably more populous at that time than now; where princes inhabited, men were sure to gather together.
But the castles, broken and roofless, tell to-day a story of slow decline and final downfall; of barons oppressed and crushed by the growing power of the cities ; of individualism overthrown by the resurrection and triumph of the social principle of community. Proud and isolated, each on its hill-top, they are the desolate relics of a long-vanished order of things. The vineyards that grow over the field of Campaldino down there beside Poppi cover the traces of the dire struggle of Guelf and Ghibelline, which, resulting in the victory of the Florentines over the Aretines, gave the deathblow to the independence of the Guidi and to the principles which they represented.
But in the days of its ascendency in the Valley the Sword did not rule alone. lt was challenged by the Cross. The footsteps of those who preached the gospel of peace may still be seen upon the mountains. Hidden within dark groves of pine trees among the crags and precipices of the gran giogo, yonder, to the south-east, is Camaldoli, with its hermitage, the high habitation of San Romualdo and his followers. Far to the west we have already marked the woods of Vallombrosa, which San Giovanni Gualberto chose for the home of his new brotherhood. South-eastward, again, that dark rock resting upon the hill-top, full in heaven's eye, is La Verna, where San Francesco received the Stigmata-the most holy place in the religious history of the Middle Ages. These fortresses of the spiritual power are set higher upon the hills than the strongholds of the Guidi. The climbing feet that scorned the earth were not content with the lower peaks. Naked and alone they conquered the heights and planted upon them the Cross. From there they sent forth their voices into the Valley below, calling to the people to be at peace and to come up and praise God in unison with the voices of Nature. And to this day, though the castles have fallen to pieces and the Sword is buried at last, the Cross remains the common symbol of the hills. It is set upon the utmost peaks, and at every turn of the paths below. Till recently Camaldoli and Vallombrosa were still great monasteries; and even now the Eremo keeps its contemplative occupants, and La Verna is a thriving centre of the active Franciscans.
Yet the ideal of their founders, the standard-bearers of the Cross, has suffered a change too with time. The numbers who flocked up after them brought the world with its needs and cares into those high places, where the spirit had reigned alone, beneath the open sky.
Besides the Warrior and the Saint, another power appeared in the Valley-the Poet. This one aimed at uniting the other two, of welding the Sword and the Cross, as represented by the Empire and the Papacy, into twin foundations for the
Years after, mindful of the expectation of de1iverance for his Italy which had filled his heart beneath the springs of Arno, and of its nonfulfilment by reason of the opposition of Florence and the Tuscan League, he placed himself once again in imagination under the fount on Falterona and launched upon the stream an immortal denunciation of its waters, its valley, and the degenerate dwellers upon its banks. These verses are a piece of "satirical topography" ( Ampère, Voyage Dantesque) which has no parallel in literature. Nowhere can one grasp them in their full significance so well as here upon the top of Falterona, where one may follow the torrent of the poet's words almost with the bodily eyes along the whole length of the "accursed and ill-fated ditch," from its source immediately below to where after its more than hundred miles of course it restores its waters to the ocean.
". . . Per mezza Toscana si spazia
un fiumicel che nasce in Falterona,
e cento miglia di corso nol sazia,
. . . . . . . . . . . degno
ben è che il nome di tal valle pera:
chè dal principio suo, dov' è sì pregno
l'alpestro monte, ond' è tronco Peloro,
che in pochi lochi passa oltra quel segno,
infin là 've si rende per ristoro
di quel che il ciel della marina asciuga,
ond' hanno i fiumi ciò che va con loro,
virtù così per nimica si fuga
da tutti, come biscia, o per sventura
del loco o per mal uso che li fruga:
ond' hanno sì mutata lor natura
gli abitator della misera valle,
che par che Circe gli avesse in pastura.
Tra brutti porci, più degni di gaIle
che d'altro cibo fatto in uman uso,
dirizza prima il suo povero caIle.
BotoIi trova poi, venendo giuso,
ringhiosi più che non chiede lor possa,
ed a lor, disdegnosa, torce il muso.
Vassi cadendo, e, quanto ella più ingrossa,
tanto più trova di can farsi lupi
la maledetta e sventurata fossa.
Discesa poi per più pelaghi cupi,
trova le volpi, sì piene di froda
che non temono ingegno che le occupi."
"Through the midst of
-Purgatorio, C. xiv., vv. 16-18 and 29-54, Temple Classics Ed.
The passion for righteousness which fired these words was spent long agp, and with the decline of the Middle Ages the Casentino ceased to have any influence upon the world outside its mountains. Even the message of the Cross was suffocated by worldly ambition, or enfeebled by lack of zeal. The only share which the Valley had later in the historic movements of the great city, whose life it fed with the waters from its hills, was in giving hospitality to the philosophic thought and speculation which' occupied the chosen minds of the Renaissance, when all strenuous struggle for good or evil was over in Italy. For it was in the woods of Camaldoli yonder that the Medicean Platonists carried on, during the summer heats, their famous discussions on the ideal life and the true aim of human existence, while enjoying the hospitality of the learned and genial successor of San Romualdo, the Prior Mariotti.
So in a spiritual dilettantism the last echoes of the great ideas which go to determine the issues of history die out in the Casentino. Since then the Valley has remained remote and forgotten, strewn with the wrecks of its tumultuous days. Its fairness remains to it, touched by the pensiveness which belongs to the scenes of old struggles and passion. And it has its own life, quiet and strong. The forests clothe themselves every spring afresh, the flowers come again, and the
And in the people that dwell beside the springs of Arno one sees the elements and beginnings, young and ever renewed, of that human life which at its meridian in history made the city there below the wonder of culture and art that she once was, and that in memory she will always remain, when by the vast are of her spirit's flight in the empyrean of beauty and joyousness she proved herself too great to be contained in the cosmos of the medioeval sage. For her the future, not the past.
It happens often, in. still fine weather, that the distant view is hid in mist. On mild days in October and November, beyond the multitudinous velvet folds of the near hills the world will appear a wide, tranquil, white sea, out of which the long backs of the mountain ranges rise blue and shadowy, one behind the other, in still and suave lines, till they melt into the sky. On such a day let the past repose beneath its pall. The present is so sweet that it suffices. In truth, for those who sit here at the beginning of things the present seems to be far behind the past, and all that winding course of the river and progress of the centuries is as it were to come. The green lawn upon which you sit beside the murmurous cradle of
The mountain has returned to a solitude which carries us back beyond the time of the Etruscans, who used to bring their sick to a healing lake not far from Capo d'Arno. This lake is now dried up, but the form of the rocks indicates where it was, and its healing virtue, together with the existence of a temple beside it, is conjectured from the discovery there in 183° of a quantity of votive offerings: bronze objects of Etruscan workmanship, weapons, chains and ornaments, above all, statuettes, some of them be1onging to the best period of_Etruscan art. Many of these may now be seen in the
The descent, of the_mountain to the little town of
There is another way from the Falterona down to Stia, much longer than the direct path, but leading one through some de1icious places. You descend first a bare precipitous hill. l remember once receiving a strange impression as I came down that way. It was late in October, but the sun burnt with a fervour which its summer rays have not. There had been stormy weather a month earlier, and snow had fallen up here ; large patches still lay high up, filling the open spaces between the thickets. We had ploughed down kneedeep through the drifts, and had come out on the side of the hill, where all was shadeless, stony, dry. Faint with the heat, our throats parched, we looked up behind us to where we had just passed. Over the blinding snow the sky bent down upon us, black in the intensity of its burning blue. Some autumn beech trees made a patch like fire upon the terrible white. l should never have thought that earth could take on so infernal an aspect. We stumbled and slipped down the steep, our feet hurt by the loose stones that rolled from under them, and, following a track over the treeless moor below, we were soon comforted by the sound of water near, and carne suddenly upon a rift in the mountain, out of which water gushed full and abundant, leaping from stone to stone, and welling in little pools. After :Stooping to drink and resting a little while in the shade of the trees that grew in the ravine, we crossed the torrent; and now our way led over lovely pastures and down and down the widening gorge, to the point of the first meeting of the streams.
Close here there is a mountain farm, set in the midst of natural lawns, dose cropped, cool and verdant, where the waters around make a refreshing noise as they rushdown the ravines. Beneath this place we crossed the now swollen
Presently we passed through a tiny village which dung to the hillside. In the steep paved passage between the stone dwellings one or two sybil-like crones were creeping in the sunshine. Continuing round the hill, we reached at last the other side and found ourselves in view once more of the Arno, which had made a great sweep between the hills, and, now a considerable stream, flowing in a wide stony bed, was 18on its way southwards through the upper part of the main valley. Our road went on along the hillside above it, al ways through chestnut woods, till upon the verge of a steep slope in front rose the dark spire of cypresses which stands beside the mountain. church of Sta. Maria delle Grazie, and in an hour more we were in the steep street of Stia.
In God we trust
Torture, Empire and the SOA News from Colombia
Read a December 14 Urgent Update from the
-- Lesley Gill, in an interview about her new book: The School of the Americas: Military Training and Political Violence in the Americas
Also check out Naomi Klein's excellent new article 'Never Before!' Our Amnesiac Torture Debate from The Nation Magazine.
As the weekend’s events were getting started,
More than 10,000 Colombian soldiers have been trained at the SOA/WHINSEC. continues to send more soldiers to the SOA than any other country--with chilling results. Graduates of the school are consistently cited for human rights abuses. The is an active contributor to the war in , providing billions in military aid and training to the Colombian military. Movements for justice in the need to stand in solidarity with the people of , work to change foreign policy and close the SOA.

3 years ago, "shock and awe" began: bombs reigned down on the people of Iraq, and an invading army began its brutal occupation. Since then, one war crime after another has been committed - from the systematic torture at Abu Ghraib (and elsewhere), a blitzkrieg attack on Fallujah which included the use of white phosphorous chemicals on civilians, house-to-house raids, continued bombings, round-ups and imprisonments - in short, a brutal imperial occupation. This murderous and illegitimate war was based on blatant lies that the Bush regime still refuses to own up to. Over 100,000 Iraqis and 2,000 American soldiers have been killed on the basis of these lies. The Bush regime arrogantly promises to continue this occupation, and sets its sights on invading more countries.
But in the run-up to the war, something else happened: millions inside the US took to the streets to stop the war, showing that this war and this regime does NOT represent the will of the people. This powerful anti-war movement exposed Bush’s lies and stood with people around the world, including those directly facing the oncoming onslaught.
The World Can’t Wait - Drive Out the Bush Regime joins in demanding an immediate end to this war in protests across the country this spring. Truly, the people of Iraq can't wait another day for this brutal occupation to end.
Is there a distinction between the people in the US and the government in this brutal war of occupation? People all over the world are looking to see if the people in this country are just going along or if they are projecting their own voice, in the streets and in a growing multi-faceted resistance.
What Will it Take to Stop the War? [click here for more]
Pity the Italians.
Their election campaign appears to have lasted since the war ended, there are 48 parties from which to choose this time, and they have a mad system of proportional representation. As we report today, the result is a ballot paper that is the width of an open copy of The Times and almost the same height. The reading material, alas, may not be as interesting.
It follows Here
It's enough?
Real News Reviews Posted 3/06
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we do not torture
From Dahr Jamil on Truthout.org:
While President Bush has regularly claimed - as with reporters in Panama last November - that "we do not torture," Janis Karpinski, the U.S. Brigadier General whose 800th Military Police Brigade was in charge of 17 prison facilities in Iraq, including Abu Ghraib back in 2003, begs to differ. She knows that we do torture and she believes that the President himself is most likely implicated in the decision to embed torture in basic war-on-terror policy.
While testifying this January 21 in New York City at the International Commission of Inquiry on Crimes against Humanity Committed by the Bush Administration, Karpinski told us: "General [Ricardo] Sanchez [commander of coalition ground forces in Iraq] himself signed the eight-page memorandum authorizing literally a laundry list of harsher techniques in interrogations to include specific use of dogs and muzzled dogs with his specific permission."
All this, as she reminded us, came after Major General Geoffrey Miller, who had been "specifically selected by the Secretary of Defense to go to Guantanamo Bay and run the interrogations operation," was dispatched to Iraq by the Bush administration to "work with the military intelligence personnel to teach them new and improved interrogation techniques."
Karpinski met Miller on his tour of American prison facilities in Iraq in the fall of 2003. Miller, as she related in her testimony, told her, "It is my opinion that you are treating the prisoners too well. At Guantanamo Bay, the prisoners know that we are in charge and they know that from the very beginning. You have to treat the prisoners like dogs. And if they think or feel any differently you have effectively lost control of the interrogation."
Miller went on to tell Karpinksi in reference to Abu Ghraib, "We're going to Gitmo-ize the operation."
When she later asked for an explanation, Karpinski was told that the military police guarding the prisons were following the orders in a memorandum approving "harsher interrogation techniques," and, according to Karpinski, "signed by the Secretary of Defense, Don Rumsfeld."
For the full article by Dahr Jamail, go to: http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/030606L.shtml
We are in the midst of making more material from the Bush Crimes Commission widely available through expansion and development of the Commission web site. The whole world needs to read the documentation of these crimes against humanity. We urge you to contribute to make this possible. Checks should be made out to "Not In Our Name" and mailed to Not In Out Name, 305 West Broadway, #199, New York, NY 10013. Contributions can be made on line at www.nion.us/NSOC/sign.htm.
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